PRAXIS2試験無料問題集「PRAXIS Pre-Professional Skills Test (PPST) II 認定」
Tina has to arrange seven books on a shelf from left to right. The books are of seven subjects:
Maths, English reader, English grammar, Physics, Chemistry, Biology and History.
Maths cannot be placed immediately next to Physics.
English grammar cannot be placed immediately next to History. Chemistry should be placed somewhere
to the left of Biology. English reader must be placed in the rightmost position.
If English grammar is placed somewhere to the left of chemistry and chemistry is placed somewhere to
the left of physics then which of the following must be true?
Maths, English reader, English grammar, Physics, Chemistry, Biology and History.
Maths cannot be placed immediately next to Physics.
English grammar cannot be placed immediately next to History. Chemistry should be placed somewhere
to the left of Biology. English reader must be placed in the rightmost position.
If English grammar is placed somewhere to the left of chemistry and chemistry is placed somewhere to
the left of physics then which of the following must be true?
正解：B
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City A to 8 there are 3 different roads. From B to C there are 5. From C to D there are 2. Laxman has to go
from city A to D attending some work in city B and C on the way and has to come back in the reverse
order. In how many ways can he complete his journey if he has to take a different while coming back than
he did while going?
from city A to D attending some work in city B and C on the way and has to come back in the reverse
order. In how many ways can he complete his journey if he has to take a different while coming back than
he did while going?
正解：E
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Most economists in the United States seem captivated by spell of the free market. Consequently, nothing
seems good or normal that does not accord with the requirements of the free market.
A price that is determined by the seller or for that matter, established by anyone other than the aggregate
of consumers seems pernicious, Accordingly, it requires a major act of will to think of price fixing (the
determination of prices by the seller) as both "normal" and having a valuable economic function. In fact,
price-fixing is normal in all industrialized societies because the industrial system itself provides, as an
effortless consequence of its own development, the price-fixing that requires, Modern industrial planning
requires and rewards great size. Hence a comparatively small number of large firms will be competing for
the same group of consumers. That each large firm will act with consideration of its own needs and thus
avoid selling its products for more than its competitors charge is commonly recognized by advocates of
free-markets economic theories. But each large firms will also act with full consideration of the needs that
it has in common with the other large firms competing for the same customers. Each large firm will thus
avoid significant price cutting, because price cutting would be prejudicial to the common interest in a
stable demand for products. Most economists do not see price-fixing when it occurs because they expect
it to be brought about by a number of explicit agreements among large firms; it is not.
More over those economists who argue that allowing the free market to operate without interference is the
most efficient method of establishing prices have not considered the economies of non socialist countries
other than the United States. These economies employ intentional price-fixing usually in an overt fashion.
Formal price fixing by cartel and informal price fixing by agreements covering the members of an industry
are common place. Were there something peculiarly efficient about the free market and inefficient about
price fixing, the countries that have avoided the first and used the second would have suffered drastically
in their economic development. There is no indication that they have.
Socialist industry also works within a frame work of controlled prices. In early 1970's, the Soviet Union
began to give firms and industries some of the flexibility in adjusting prices that a more informal evolution
has accorded the capitalist system. Economists in the United States have hailed the change as a return to
the free market. But Soviet firms are no more subject to prices established by free market over which they
exercise little influenced than are capitalist firms.
According to the passage, an imbalance arises between nuclear radiation pressure and gravitational force
in stars because
seems good or normal that does not accord with the requirements of the free market.
A price that is determined by the seller or for that matter, established by anyone other than the aggregate
of consumers seems pernicious, Accordingly, it requires a major act of will to think of price fixing (the
determination of prices by the seller) as both "normal" and having a valuable economic function. In fact,
price-fixing is normal in all industrialized societies because the industrial system itself provides, as an
effortless consequence of its own development, the price-fixing that requires, Modern industrial planning
requires and rewards great size. Hence a comparatively small number of large firms will be competing for
the same group of consumers. That each large firm will act with consideration of its own needs and thus
avoid selling its products for more than its competitors charge is commonly recognized by advocates of
free-markets economic theories. But each large firms will also act with full consideration of the needs that
it has in common with the other large firms competing for the same customers. Each large firm will thus
avoid significant price cutting, because price cutting would be prejudicial to the common interest in a
stable demand for products. Most economists do not see price-fixing when it occurs because they expect
it to be brought about by a number of explicit agreements among large firms; it is not.
More over those economists who argue that allowing the free market to operate without interference is the
most efficient method of establishing prices have not considered the economies of non socialist countries
other than the United States. These economies employ intentional price-fixing usually in an overt fashion.
Formal price fixing by cartel and informal price fixing by agreements covering the members of an industry
are common place. Were there something peculiarly efficient about the free market and inefficient about
price fixing, the countries that have avoided the first and used the second would have suffered drastically
in their economic development. There is no indication that they have.
Socialist industry also works within a frame work of controlled prices. In early 1970's, the Soviet Union
began to give firms and industries some of the flexibility in adjusting prices that a more informal evolution
has accorded the capitalist system. Economists in the United States have hailed the change as a return to
the free market. But Soviet firms are no more subject to prices established by free market over which they
exercise little influenced than are capitalist firms.
According to the passage, an imbalance arises between nuclear radiation pressure and gravitational force
in stars because
正解：A
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Those examples of poetic justice that occur in medieval and Elizabethan literature, and that seem so
satisfying, have encouraged a whole school of twentieth-century scholars to "find" further examples. In
fact, these scholars have merely forced victimized character into a moral framework by which the
injustices inflicted on them are, somehow or other, justified. Such scholars deny that the sufferers in a
tragedy are innocent; they blame the victims themselves for their tragic fates. Any misdoing is enough to
subject a character to critical whips. Thus, there are long essays about the misdemeanors of Webster's
Duchess of Malfi, who defined her brothers, and he behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who
disobeyed her father.
Yet it should be remembered that the Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly protests the injustice
of the severe penalties issued to women for acts of disobedience that men could, and did, commit with
virtual impunity. And Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers on the side of their
tragic heroines by describing injustices so cruel that readers cannot but join in protest. By portraying
Griselda, in the Clerk's Tale, as a meek, gentle victim who does not criticize, much less rebel against the
prosecutor, her husband Waltter, Chaucer incites readers to espouse Griselda's cause against Walter's
oppression. Thus, efforts to supply historical and theological rationalization for Walter's persecutions tend
to turn Chaucer's fable upside down, to deny its most obvious effect on reader's sympathies. Similarly, to
assert that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she
loved and to bear their children is, in effect to join forces with her tyrannical brothers, and so to confound
the operation of poetic justice, of which readers should approve, with precisely those examples of social
injustice that Webster does everything in his power to make readers condemn. Indeed. Webster has his
heroin so heroically lead the resistance to tyranny that she may well in spire members of the audience to
imaginatively join forces with her against the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers.
Thus Chaucer and Webster, in their different ways, attack injustice, argue on behalf of the victims, and
prosecute the persecutors. Their readers serve them as a court of appeal that remains free to rule, as the
evidence requires, and as common humanity requires, in favor of the innocent and injured parties. For, to
paraphrase the noted eighteenth-century scholar, Samuel Johnson, despite all the refinements of subtlety
and the dogmatism of learning, it is by the common sense and compassion of readers who are
uncorrupted by the characters and situations in mereval and Dlizabetahn literature, as in any other
literature, can best be judged.
It can be interred from the passage that the author most probably thinks that giving the disenfranchised" '
a piece of action'" is
satisfying, have encouraged a whole school of twentieth-century scholars to "find" further examples. In
fact, these scholars have merely forced victimized character into a moral framework by which the
injustices inflicted on them are, somehow or other, justified. Such scholars deny that the sufferers in a
tragedy are innocent; they blame the victims themselves for their tragic fates. Any misdoing is enough to
subject a character to critical whips. Thus, there are long essays about the misdemeanors of Webster's
Duchess of Malfi, who defined her brothers, and he behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who
disobeyed her father.
Yet it should be remembered that the Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly protests the injustice
of the severe penalties issued to women for acts of disobedience that men could, and did, commit with
virtual impunity. And Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers on the side of their
tragic heroines by describing injustices so cruel that readers cannot but join in protest. By portraying
Griselda, in the Clerk's Tale, as a meek, gentle victim who does not criticize, much less rebel against the
prosecutor, her husband Waltter, Chaucer incites readers to espouse Griselda's cause against Walter's
oppression. Thus, efforts to supply historical and theological rationalization for Walter's persecutions tend
to turn Chaucer's fable upside down, to deny its most obvious effect on reader's sympathies. Similarly, to
assert that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she
loved and to bear their children is, in effect to join forces with her tyrannical brothers, and so to confound
the operation of poetic justice, of which readers should approve, with precisely those examples of social
injustice that Webster does everything in his power to make readers condemn. Indeed. Webster has his
heroin so heroically lead the resistance to tyranny that she may well in spire members of the audience to
imaginatively join forces with her against the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers.
Thus Chaucer and Webster, in their different ways, attack injustice, argue on behalf of the victims, and
prosecute the persecutors. Their readers serve them as a court of appeal that remains free to rule, as the
evidence requires, and as common humanity requires, in favor of the innocent and injured parties. For, to
paraphrase the noted eighteenth-century scholar, Samuel Johnson, despite all the refinements of subtlety
and the dogmatism of learning, it is by the common sense and compassion of readers who are
uncorrupted by the characters and situations in mereval and Dlizabetahn literature, as in any other
literature, can best be judged.
It can be interred from the passage that the author most probably thinks that giving the disenfranchised" '
a piece of action'" is
正解：B
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